{"id":5370,"date":"2017-09-17T11:22:11","date_gmt":"2017-09-17T09:22:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/?p=5370"},"modified":"2017-09-17T11:22:11","modified_gmt":"2017-09-17T09:22:11","slug":"devrimci-laiklik-nazen-sansal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/?p=5370","title":{"rendered":"Devrimci Laiklik- Nazen \u015eansal"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><a href=\"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/09\/laiklik.jpg\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-5371 alignright\" alt=\"laiklik\" src=\"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/09\/laiklik-300x200.jpg\" width=\"300\" height=\"200\" srcset=\"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/09\/laiklik-300x200.jpg 300w, https:\/\/baraka.cc\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/09\/laiklik.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\" \/><\/a><i><\/i><\/p>\n<p>Argasdi&#8217;nin 47. say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanan hem \u00fclkemizdeki hem de TC&#8217;deki Laiklik ve Sunni \u0130slamla\u015ft\u0131rma s\u00fcrecine dair neler ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 &#8220;devrimci laiklik&#8221; isimli makalemizde okuyabilirsiniz.<\/p>\n<p><i>Burjuvazinin, devletin dinsellikten ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki politik eylemleri, burjuva iktidar\u0131n\u0131n kurumla\u015fmas\u0131, yerle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in gereken ad\u0131mlardan olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Burjuva iktidarlar yerle\u015ftikten sonra ise din yeniden devlete d\u00f6ner; burjuva devlet, dini kapitalizmin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 egemenlik alt\u0131nda tutman\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olarak kurulu\u015funa dahil eder. \u0130\u015fte bu noktada &#8220;politik \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmenin dinle ili\u015fkisi&#8221; sorunu, bizim i\u00e7in &#8220;politik \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmenin insani \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmeyle ili\u015fkisi&#8221; sorunu durumuna gelir.<\/i> (Karl Marx, Yahudi Sorunu)<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>K\u0131br\u0131sl\u0131 T\u00fcrklerin y\u00fczy\u0131llardan s\u00fcz\u00fcl\u00fcp gelen kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc din anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, laikli\u011fi, toplumumuzda tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan ve farkl\u0131 taraflar aras\u0131nda \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma konusu olan bir alan haline getirmemi\u015fti. Hatta nenelerimzden, T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;deki Kemalist devrimleri, hi\u00e7bir dayatma olmaks\u0131z\u0131n \u00e7abucak kabul ettiklerini, kara \u00e7ar\u015faflar\u0131n\u0131 bir g\u00fcnde at\u0131verdiklerini dinlemi\u015fizdir. Devlet politikalar\u0131nda, e\u011fitimde, sosyal ya\u015famda, eme\u011fin haklar\u0131nda ba\u015fka sorunlarla bo\u011fu\u015fan K\u0131br\u0131sl\u0131 T\u00fcrk halk\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcndemi din-devlet ili\u015fkisi olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ta ki, \u00e7ocuklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n gelece\u011fini tehdit eden, AKP&#8217;nin muhafazakarla\u015ft\u0131rma politikalar\u0131ndan nasibimizi al\u0131ncaya kadar&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Nenelerimizden \u00e7ocuklar\u0131m\u0131za kadar belirleyici unsur, T\u00fcrkiye devletinin dine yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 oldu\u011funa g\u00f6re \u00f6ncelikle T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;deki laiklik alay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temellerine ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc S\u00fcnni \u0130slam \u015feriat\u0131n\u0131n sebeplerine bakmak gerekir.<\/p>\n<p><b>T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;de Laiklik ve S\u00fcnni \u0130slamla\u015ft\u0131rma S\u00fcreci<\/b><\/p>\n<p>\u0130slam dinini T\u00fcrkiye toplumunun siyasi birli\u011finin \u201c\u00e7imentosu\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlayan Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131, tehcir edilmi\u015f ve m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilmi\u015f Ermenilere ve Rumlara kar\u015f\u0131 kendisini T\u00fcrk olarak tan\u0131mlayan T\u00fcrkler, Lazlar, \u00c7erkezler, G\u00fcrc\u00fcler ile K\u00fcrtlerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu bir Anadolu-\u0130slam birli\u011fine dayan\u0131yordu. Kemalist iktidar ise \u0130slam\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye toplumunun siyasi birli\u011finin harc\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p yerine T\u00fcrk kimli\u011fini ge\u00e7irdi. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, K\u00fcrtleri Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015f s\u00fcrecinin e\u015fit orta\u011f\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. Kemalist iktidar\u0131n egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7erisinden bir ba\u015fka iktidar oda\u011f\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in \u201cd\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 laiklik\u201d sopas\u0131n\u0131 etkili bir bi\u00e7imde kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bilinmektedir. Kemalist \u201cd\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 laiklik\u201d modelinin kurulu\u015fu 1924\u2019te Hilafetin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ile ba\u015flay\u0131p 1928\u2019de Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin dini \u0130slamd\u0131r h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fcn kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ile tamamlanan bir siyasi s\u00fcre\u00e7tir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7le birlikte din (\u0130slam \u015eeriat\u0131) devletin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin ve kamusall\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.*<\/p>\n<p>Kemalizm, Anadolu halklar\u0131n\u0131 T\u00fcrk kimli\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde tek tiple\u015ftirip yeniden in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, devlet deste\u011finden yoksun kalan S\u00fcnni-Hanefi \u0130slam inanc\u0131, dinsel kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcremez hale gelmi\u015ftir. Tam da bu d\u00f6nemde ABD emperyalizminin yeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik politikalar\u0131n\u0131 rahat\u00e7a uygulayabilmesi i\u00e7in ve kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu &#8220;muhafazakar T\u00fcrk toplumu&#8221;nu yaratmak amac\u0131yla S\u00fcnni-Hanefi \u0130slam, devlet himayesine al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ba\u015fta gen\u00e7lik ve e\u011fitim olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm alanlara sirayet eden bu politikalar\u0131n yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k uygulamas\u0131, Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 neoliberal yeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00fczeninin iktidar\u0131 haline getirmi\u015f, art\u0131k din, devleti himayesine alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>E\u011fitim, sa\u011fl\u0131k, su, enerji gibi her t\u00fcrl\u00fc insan hakk\u0131n\u0131n piyasaya a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir yandan emek ve do\u011fa s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6te yandan yoksullu\u011fun katlanarak artt\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n kurals\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n toplum d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itildi\u011fi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, kitlelerin sisteme duyabilecekleri \u00f6fkeyi \u00f6teleyen, onlar\u0131 tevekk\u00fcle y\u00f6nlendiren, bask\u0131 ve korkuyla y\u00f6neten bu d\u00fczen, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a sermayenin i\u015fine yaramaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>\u00d6rne\u011fin e\u011fitimin dinselle\u015ftirilmesi; e\u011fitimin piyasala\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n, kent ve do\u011fan\u0131n ya\u011fmas\u0131n\u0131n kitlesel deste\u011finin in\u015faa edilmesinin, toplumun kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, homofobi, s\u00fcnni olmayana nefret temelinde kutupla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131larak y\u00f6netilmesinin ortak arac\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla paras\u0131z e\u011fitim hakk\u0131, g\u00fcvenceli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hakk\u0131, e\u015fitlik\u00e7i-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc-ekolojik bir mekanda ya\u015fama hakk\u0131, do\u011fu\u015ftan gelen niteliklere, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel aidiyetlere ve ya\u015fam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 se\u00e7imlerine sayg\u0131 talepleri ile geli\u015fen t\u00fcm halk hareketleri, e\u011fitimin dinselle\u015ftirilmesine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi i\u00e7ermek zorundad\u0131r.*<\/p>\n<p><b>K\u0131br\u0131s&#8217;ta \u0130htiyac\u0131m\u0131z Olan Nas\u0131l Bir Laiklik?<\/b><\/p>\n<p>Neoliberal uygulamalar\u0131n Ankara&#8217;dan Lefko\u015fa&#8217;ya yerli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7iler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ithal edilmesi gibi, kuzeyden esen r\u00fczgarlar, asimilasyonun yeni bir bi\u00e7imi olarak muhafazakarla\u015ft\u0131rma politikalar\u0131n\u0131 da adam\u0131za ta\u015f\u0131makta&#8230; Bunun kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda direni\u015fi \u00f6rg\u00fctleyen sol kesimler, farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde de olsa laiklik ilkesine s\u0131k\u0131ca sar\u0131lmakta. Solun bir k\u0131sm\u0131, laikli\u011fe \u015fekilci yakla\u015farak sadece bir slogana indirgemekte; yani toplumu dine y\u00f6nelten sosyo-ekonomik nedenlerle ilgili hi\u00e7bir a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m getirmemektedir. Hatta kendisi veya ailesi T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;den gelmi\u015f olan ki\u015filerin hepsini bir tutarak, asl\u0131nda planl\u0131 bir devlet politikas\u0131 olan gericili\u011fi insanlara mal etme kolayc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ka\u00e7maktad\u0131r. Y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc &#8220;\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm&#8221;e d\u00f6nen ve &#8220;anla\u015fma&#8221; oldu\u011funda bu t\u00fcr bask\u0131lardan kurtulaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 zanneden bu kesimler, Latin Amerika&#8217;dan Ortado\u011fu&#8217;ya kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn co\u011frafyalarda neoliberalizm ile siyasal olarak kurumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f dinin paralel ilerledi\u011fini, gittik\u00e7e a\u011f\u0131rla\u015fan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131 alt\u0131nda, sermayenin kontrol\u00fcndeki bir din alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n emek\u00e7ilerin \u00f6fkesini s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rmakta kilit rol\u00fc oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden geliyor. Sol liberaller ise laikli\u011fe bireysel inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc noktas\u0131ndan yakla\u015farak, dini, etkilendi\u011fi ve etkiledi\u011fi toplumsal ko\u015fullardan koparmakta, soyut bir kavram olarak ele almaktad\u0131r. S\u00f6zde \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri savunan sol liberaller, gittik\u00e7e daha bask\u0131c\u0131 hale gelen S\u00fcnni \u0130slamla\u015ft\u0131rma kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla da \u00e7eli\u015fiyorlar.<\/p>\n<p>Oysa laikli\u011fi savunurken, din ve devlet i\u015flerinin birbirinden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131yla yetinmemek ve dinin, toplumda yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131na sebep olan unsurlar\u0131 do\u011fru tahlil etmek zorunday\u0131z. Ne \u015fekilci ve yasak\u00e7\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015flarla ne de insan\u0131 toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ay\u0131ran bireyci \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerle bir yere varabiliriz. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131 ve sosyal ili\u015fkilerdeki olumsuz de\u011fi\u015fimleri; devletin, sosyal devlet olma \u00f6zelli\u011fini neredeyse tamamen yitirmesini; t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n getirdi\u011fi s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve yoksullu\u011fu mercek alt\u0131na almal\u0131y\u0131z. Bizi nesne k\u0131lan ve yaraya sadece pansuman yapan hay\u0131r i\u015fleri yerine haklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 arayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z, \u00f6zne olaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri tercih etmeliyiz. Her dinden, her inan\u00e7tan veya inan\u00e7s\u0131z olan ki\u015filerin, sadece vicdan h\u00fcrriyetine de\u011fil toplumsal f\u0131rsatlar anlam\u0131nda da e\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne odaklanmal\u0131y\u0131z. Dine kar\u015f\u0131 ideolojik m\u00fccadelemizi s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrken, ki\u015filerin dini inan\u00e7 ve ibadetlerini yasaklamayan ancak pedagojik yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131, bilimsel bilgiyi, k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve sanat\u0131n dolduraca\u011f\u0131 maneviyat\u0131 da hesaba katmal\u0131y\u0131z. Ve t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131 bas\u0131n bildirilerinde, TV programlar\u0131nda, dergi yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda b\u0131rakmamal\u0131, ger\u00e7ek hayatta devrimci laiklik ilkesiyle m\u00fccadelemizi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeliyiz.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Kaynaklar ve al\u0131nt\u0131lar:<\/p>\n<p>*T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;de Laiklik Sorunu, Ferda Ko\u00e7, sendika.org<\/p>\n<p>Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Yolu Bildirgesi<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Argasdi&#8217;nin 47. say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanan hem \u00fclkemizdeki hem de TC&#8217;deki Laiklik ve Sunni \u0130slamla\u015ft\u0131rma s\u00fcrecine dair neler ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 &#8220;devrimci laiklik&#8221; isimli makalemizde okuyabilirsiniz. Burjuvazinin, devletin dinsellikten<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":5371,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_is_tweetstorm":false,"jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","enabled":false}}},"categories":[40,67,44,9,42,1,39],"tags":[],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/09\/laiklik.jpg","jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p4eHWX-1oC","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5370"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/7"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=5370"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5370\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5372,"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5370\/revisions\/5372"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/5371"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=5370"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=5370"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baraka.cc\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=5370"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}